Revolutionary Movements : Rise of Revolutionaries , activities

 Reasons-

 It took shape in two phases- First decade of 1900 and after 1920.

 It created a void in the nationalist movement which made the youth restless. The Moderates had already lost the steam while Extremists became dead after Surat Split 1907

 In spite of this, official arrogance continued unabated.

 This led to establishment of Secret Societies, anti-establishment journals, etc.

 In 1920s, the calling off of Non coooeration movement had crushed the hopes of many. The youth found nothing wrong with Chauri Chaura. Similarly, constructive work of no-changers and legislative propaganda of Swarajists did not appeal to them.

 The ideals of Russian Revolution also impressed them to believe that socialism will triumph against imperialism and exploitation.

 The youth now began to think of violent measures like killing British officers, attacking offices as a measure to instill fear. The Baraisal Conference in 1906 triggered the youth to counter force with force, using bombs!

Ideology-

 The cult of violence, bomb and pistol was central ideal. It was used to asassinate unpopular officials and carry out loots

 The intention was to strike terror in minds of British and raise the patriotic sentiments among the people

 The assumption was that by striking terror and using force, British could be driven out.

 Secret societies gave impetus to training, organising activities and preparation of bombs and pistols.

 In the earlier phases, religion was a source of power and mysticism while in 1920s, the organizations and movements were secular in nature.

 In 1920s, the orgs got a socialistic tinge. Thus, they also worked against exploitation and imperialism. They were convinced that British was a class rule. Eg- HRA became HSRA

 Revolution was the basic idea- it stood for change, progress and order. It was a dynamic spirit of every society to change for good

 Focus was on youth as their restlessness, boiling blood and energies can be used for nation’s benefit.

 A special feature is the participation of women - Kalpana Dutt, Preetilata Wadedar, etc

 Organization of activities from abroad- Shyamji Krishnavarma and his India House in London that housed Veer Savarkar, Madanlal Dhingra, Lala Hardayal, etc.

Weakness-

 Wedded to idealism than pragmatism

 In theory, they planned mass action but ended up in individual terrorist activities. Their social base never increased

 Very little political work. Masses remained cut off

 In 1920s, they stood against Gandhian leadership but failed to provide a substitute

 They lacked organizational structure.

 Religious symbolism in early phase made Muslims awry.

 They didn't get support from both Moderates and Extremists. Examples - Early Phase - Prafulla Chaki and Khudiram Bose assassinated judge at Muzaffarpur in 1907, Ghose brothers tried in Alipore conspiracy case 1908, Chaphekar brothers 1897, Madanlal Dhingra killed Curzon Wylie in 1909

 1924- Hindustan Republican Association was established to pursue revolutionary activities.

 1925 - Kakori raid wherein Ramprasad Bismil and Ashfaqulla hanged, 17 others imprisoned.

 1927- The extremism grew because of Simon Commission and subsequent killing of Lala Lajpat Rai during a protest. Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev killed Sanders in Lahore in 1928.

 1929 – Bombing in the Central Legislative Assembly to oppose the passing of Trades Disputes Bill and Public Safety Bill that would have reduced civil liberties.

 April 1929 – Chittagong armory raid by Surya Sen and accomplices.

 1931 – Jatin Das heroic 64 day hunger strike. Bhagat Singh, et al hanged on 23rd March.

Sir Charles Napier said, "We have no right to seize Sind, yet we shall do so, and a very advantageous, useful, humane piece of rascality it will be.''

Demand of the Question:

There are two aspects in the question- first why British have no right to seize Sind? and other why British seize Sind? Major stress should be to highlight the advantages associated with annexation of Sind for the British. 

Introduction:

Annexation of the territory of an eternal friend ( Treaty of eternal friendship,1809 ), commercially beneficial friend ( Commercial Treaty of 1832 ) and partner in Anglo-afghan war , although reluctant, was indeed an immoral act, as admitted by British Resident at Sind- Sir Charles Napier himself, But it was driven by broader North-west frontier policy of British as well as an opportunity to regain the prestige after Afghan debacle.

Body:

Why no right to seize Sind?

● Sind was in ‘eternal friendship’ with British since the treaty of 1809. They have provided safe passage to british merchants and goods through the Commercial Treaty of 1832 . So annexation of Sind was an immoral act as you conquered the friend.

● As Sind had abided by all the treaties they had signed with English East India Company. Even to its reluctance they supplied the army and money in support of British during Afghan war.

● It was the manufactured charges by Charles Napier against the amirs which he used as a pretext to seize Sind.

Although the Commercial Treaty of 1832 provided free passage to British merchants and goods but the increasing disturbances in Sind was a threat to the commercial benefits of British, which resulted in complete annexation of Sind in 1843.

4. Case of Victorian Imperialism

The British policy of territorial expansion came to its peak after queen victoria sat at throne in 1837 and Seize of Sind should be seen as a part of this bigger scheme which culminated with Doctrine of Lapse under Lord Dalhousie and resulting ‘First war of Indian Independence’ in 1857.

Conclusion:

Thus the British annexation of Sind in 1843 should be seen as a result of change in both internal and external situation. The external factors like Russophobia and Victorian Imperialism and the internal factors like Afghan debacle forced the direct control over Sind and the internal instability provided the opportunity.

Causes of Annexation Of Sind

 View 1: For the safety and integrity of Anglo-Indian Empire or Frontier

In the background of Russo-phobia and failure in Afghan adventure the British found Sind as an important part of their north-west frontier policy. This is visible in the communications between Governor General Auckland and the British Residents at Sind- Pottinger.

● The British were gradually increasing their control over Sind against the threat from north-west. For example the fear of French design forced Lord Minto to sign a treaty of ‘perpetual friendship’ with Sind in 1809 which eliminated the chances of French alliance with Sind.

● The British kept eliminating the possibility of European and American alliances with Sind and through the forced Treaty of 1839 they gained comprehensive control over Sind. The British forces were stationed at Bukkar and Sikarpur with Amir's money. They annexed Karachi in 1839 itself and used both the money and auxiliary force of Sind against the Afghans.

● After the failure of Afghan adventure, Sind became even more crucial in British scheme of north-west frontier security as can be seen in Lord Ellenborough letter to the Duke of Wellington in March, 1843. On one hand it increased Russian influence in Afghan and on the other it intensified the fear of Russo-Persian attack on India, thus a strong British presence in Sind was required which forced the complete annexation of Sind in 1843.

View 2: Fight to regain Prestige

● It was a fight to regain Prestige which the British lost after their debacle in Afghan war. The revolts against British rule in different parts of India like that in Bundelkhand and Madras soon after Afghan war was a sign of breaking up of the myth of British invincibility and her prestige.

● Thus to re-establish her superiority and prestige in the minds of native people they need to win a war, as argued by historian Ronald Hyam . Under this background Lord Ellenborough sanctioned the Annexation of Sind.

View 3: Commercial and navigational importance of Indus

● Historians like V.A. Smith has argued that the commercial and maritime importance of the Indus River , more so at the time of Afghan hostility, was an important cause for increasing control of British in Sind. With control on river Indus the British got a direct commercial way to Central Asia.

● The signing of a Commercial Treaty of 1832 between Sind and the British Company shows the commercial angle of Anglo-Sind relations. The treaty clause, like free passage of British merchants and travellers, does support this view.

View 4: The Conquest of Sind was morally and politically the sequel of the Afghan war- P.E. Roberts

Charles Napier believed that the Sindian War was not an isolated vent but “the tail of the Afghan storm”.

Points in support:

1. Englishmen believed that Afghan war made it expedient, although unjust, to coerce the Amirs of Sind. They wanted to use the weakness and richness of the Amirs in Afghan war.

● They were coerced to provide finances for Afghan adventure through the Treaty of 1839.

● The Treaty of 1839 forced the Amirs to provide the Auxiliary force against Afghans.

● Sind provided the safe passage for the troops and supplies of war which demanded greater control of British over Sind.

2. It was a fight to regain Prestige which the British lost after their debacle in Afghan war. The revolts against British rule in different parts of India like that in Bundelkhand and Madras soon after Afghan war was a sign of disbelief in British invincibility and her prestige and thus to re-establish her superiority and prestige in the minds of native people they need to win a war. Under this background Lord Ellenborough sanctioned the Annexation of Sind.

3. The strategic value of Sind made her an important province. The British, who were preoccupied with the Russo-Phobia , needed a stable frontier which supported them against any possible Russo-Persian design in India. After the defeat by Afghans and a stronger Punjab army, Sind was seen as an easy target to pursue the English design of the north-west Frontier. Also the failure of Afghan adventure put the British under the necessity of greater vigilance about the frontier problem as on one hand it increased Russian influence in Afghanistan and on the other intensified the fear of Russo-Persian attack on India, thus a strong British presence in Sind was required which forced the complete annexation of Sind in 1843.

Rise of extremists, Radical revolutionaries, Left wing extremism

 1. Discuss the nature, methods and activities of the Terrorist Revolutionary Movement and assess its place in India’s Freedom Struggle. [1979, 60m]

2. Examine the causes of the rise and progress of revolutionary movements in India from 1905 to 1931. [2003, 60m]

3. Describe the changing nature of revolutionary activities in India between 1905 - 1946. [2008, 60m]

4. “The very idea of the bomb and the secret society, and of propaganda through action and sacrifice were import from the West.” Critically examine. [2015, 10m]

5. Trace the origin of the Ghadar movement and discuss its impact on the revolutionaries in India. [2017, 20m]

The Left; The Left within the Congress: Jawaharlal Nehru, Subhas Chandra Bose, the Congress Socialist Party; the Communist Party of India, other left parties.

1. Assess the role of the Left Wing within the Indian National Congress between 1920 and 1947. [1981, 60m]

2. Account for the rise and growth of Left-wing within the Congress. Did Jawaharlal Nehru believe in a socialistic approach to Indian and world problems and if so why? [1986, 60m]

3. ‘The National Movement has shown concern for problems other than the constitutional one.’ Discuss the factors that helped the rise of a left wing in the Indian National Congress. [1990, 60m]

4. Account for the rise and growth of leftism in the Congress movement. What impact did it have on contemporary Indian politics? [1997, 60m]

5. Discuss the nature of the leadership and programme of the Congress Socialist party. [2002, 60m])

6. “The ideology of Subhash Chandra Bose was a combination of nationalism, fascism and communism.” Comment. [2002, 20m]

7. Account for the emergence of the left-wing within the congress. How far did it influence the programme and policy of the congress? [2006, 60m]

8. The emergence of left-wing group in the congress redicalized its social economic agenda." Critically evaluate. [2011, 20m]

9. A powerful left-wing group developed in India in the late 1920s and 1930s, contributing to the radicalization of national movement.” Critically Examine. [2015, 10m]

10. Underline the growth of various forms of Socialist ideologies in the Indian National Movement between World War I and II. [2018, 20 Marks]

11. Assess the role of Subas Chandra Bose in India's struggle for independence.

OPSC

1. Examine the causes of the rise and progress of revolutionary movements in India from 1905 to 1931.(60)

2. Account for the rise and growth of leftism in the Congress movement. (40)

3. How would explain the growth of the militant nationalism in the beginning of the 20th century ? In what way did the militant nationalists differ from the moderates.

4. Trace the growth of militant nationalism in the freedom struggle of India between 1906 and 1920.

Formation and Evolution of INC

 1. Discuss ‘the safety valve’ theory. Does it satisfactorily explain the foundation of the Indian National Congress? [60m]

2. To what extent was the emergence of the Congress in 1885 the culmination of a process of political awakening that had its beginning in the 1870s? [60m]

3. “The ‘safety-valve thesis’ does not adequately explain the birth of the Indian National Congress in 1885.” Critically examine.

4. Describe briefly the ideals and programme of the Indian National Congress between 1885 and 1905 and assess official response to it. [1980, 60m]

5. Trace the factors which led to a split in the Indian national Congress in 1907. What was its impact on the course of the nationalist movement? [2003, 60m]

6. Analyze the social composition of the early Congress leadership. [30m]

7. “Politics remained for the bulk of the Moderates very much a part-time affair. The Congress was not a political party, but an annual three-day show…” Elucidate. [20m]

8. Review the aims of the moderates in the Congress. Do you believe because of their approach Extremism appeared at the national level.  [60m]

Drain Theory PYQs

 

UPSC

1. Trace the course and explain the consequences of the drain of wealth from Bengal in the eighteenth century. [60m]

2. “Our system acts very much like a sponge, drawing up all the good things from the banks of the Ganges, and squeezing them down on the banks of the Thames.” Comment. [20m]

3. Write a critique on the impact of the Drain Theory of Dadabhai Nauroji in the growth of economic nationalism. [60m]

4. "The need for a unilateral transfer of funds to Britain was constant factor and, in fact, progressively increased over time." Critically evaluate. [20m]

5.How far was the drain theory a focal point of nationalist critique of colonialism? [20 Marks]

OPSC

1. Critically analyze the growth of economic nationalism in India in the light of the Drain-Theory. [60 marks]

2. Examine the growth of economic nationalism in India in the light of the drain theory.

3. The halcyon days of India are over; she has been drained of large portion of her wealth she once possessed and her energies have been cramped by a sordid system of misrule to which the interests of the millions have been sacrificed for the benefits of few.

industrial and agricultural policy of the government of india between 1858 and 1914

Over the years in the late eighteenth and the early twentieth centuries the colonial state had been perfecting its system of surplus extraction from the agricultural economy of India. India had to provide a market for Britain's manufactured goods, and serve as a source of agricultural raw materials and served as a major market for British industries, like cotton, iron and steel, railways, machinery etc.

Agricultural Policy :

o Some of the recent historical writings point out that the fact still remains that India was not transformed into a full-fledged capitalist economy. As in the case of agrarian economy, so also in other sectors, British policies failed to foster growth. And this was due to the colonial nature of those policies, i.e., the policy of gearing up the colonial economy to the needs of the economy of the mother country.

o There was, first of all, limited colonial initiative to develop agricultural production, except the construction of some irrigation canals in parts of northern, north-eastern and south-western India, i.e., in non-Permanent Settlement areas where there was scope for enhancing land-revenue rates.

▪ It is possible to argue that between 1900 and 1939, the area under irrigation almost doubled; but that was only in absolute terms. In relative terms, in 1947 when the British empire ended its long career in India, only a quarter of the total cropped area was under public irrigation system.

▪ The real reason was that public investment in this sector was guided only by the profitability factor and extreme contingencies, such as prevention of famines.

▪ Region where irrigation facilities developed, it favoured only the more prosperous among the peasantry, as canal rates were very high.

• In Punjab, the canal colonies became the model of commercial agriculture in Asia, but the new prosperity that accrued even after paying high water rates, was shared only by limited social groups, such as a few agricultural castes and some medium and large-sized landlords.

▪ The aggregate agricultural yields were largely static in colonial India, and between 1920 and 1947, especially the production of food crops lagged far behind the rate of population growth.

• Near-famine conditions were therefore not rarities in India during the British period and in 1943 two to three million people perished in a major famine in Bengal

o Commercialisation of agriculture, which favours differentiation within the peasantry, capital accumulation and production for the market, is considered to be a sign of progress towards capitalist agriculture.

▪ In the Indian case, however, the initiative often did not come from within the peasant society and the benefits did not accrue to them either. In the case of indigo in eastern India, planters (had no right to buy land until 1829) had to persuade, and later force, the local peasants to accept advances to produce indigo in their lands

▪ As for other crops, there is a persistent view that the peasants were "forced" to cultivate cash crops because of high revenue demand, the necessity to pay revenue and rent in cash and above all for debt servicing.

▪ It was only the rich peasants who could go for cash crops and they too remained immensely vulnerable to the fluctuations in the market.

• In western India, for example, cotton cultivation grew in response to the cotton boom in the 1860s caused by the American Civil War. It created a pocket of prosperity in the Deccan cotton belt, which disappeared very soon after the end of the war and was followed by a famine and agrarian riots in the 1870s.

• Jute cultivation in eastern India developed as the peasants failed to meet the subsistence necessities and hoped to earn more by cultivating the "golden crop". So an economic motive was certainly there in peasants' decision to shift to jute cultivation. But as Sugata Bose has shown, the primary producers could hardly reap the benefit of the boom in jute market between 1906 and 1913, as "jute manufacturers and exporters [majority of whom were British] were able to exercise their monopsony power as purchasers of raw jute", leaving the jute growers no space to bargain for prices.

o The jute economy crashed in the 1930s and was followed by a devastating famine in Bengal in 1943. It is difficult to establish a direct connection between commercialisation and famines, even though cash crops in some areas might have driven out foodgrains from the better quality land, with consequent impact on output.

o When colonial rule came to an end, food crops were still being grown in 80 per cent of the cropped acreage. But on the whole, as noted earlier, the aggregate production of food crops lagged behind population growth.

Industrial Policy

o Until World War One, there was no import duty, which could possibly offer any sort of protection to any of the Indian industries .

o India became field for British capital investments in railways and agency houses.

o Much of the foreign loans and investments were for the development of infrastructure, for integrating internal markets and, therefore, for the modernisation of the Indian economy itself.

Railways are considered to be another contribution of British rule towards the development of modem economic infrastructure.But its main purpose was to serve the interests of the empire, rather than the needs of the lndian economy.

• Empire and deindustrialisation:

▪ Following the industrial revolution, not only did this export demand gradually evaporate, but colonial rule opened the Indian markets for British manufactured goods and led to "deindustrialisation" or destruction of indigenous handicraft industries, reducing the number of people dependent on secondary industries.

There was rising industrial income because of increasing per worker productivity in the crafts achieved through technological specialisation and industrial reorganisation.

The shift from local to long distance trade market helped artisanal industry, but did not lead to successful industrialisation, with the necessary structural changes and economic development.

• One of the reasons behind this lack of overall economic development was that the colonial state in the nineteenth century was far from just a "night watchman",

Since 1813 when Indian trade was freed from the monopoly of the East India Company, India came to be considered as a lucrative field for British private capital investment, chiefly in railways, jute industry, tea plantation and mining.

o Indian money market was dominated by the European banking houses. One major reason why the Indian entrepreneurs failed and their European counterparts thrived was the latter's greater access to and command over capital, facilitated by their connections with the banks and agency houses, while the Indians had to depend on their kins, families and castemen.

British economic interests in India operated through the Chambers of Commerce and the Managing Agency Houses, which influenced government policies and eliminated indigenous competition.

dominating jute industry, coal mining and tea plantations, controlling 75 percent of the industrial capital in India and almost half of the total industrial employment. So whatever industrialisation that did occur was mostly, though not exclusively, through British capital, with the profits being regularly repatriated. And the major factors that favoured this development were the discriminatory official policies.

▪ Tea industry remained dominated by British capital until the 1950s; so was coal mining in eastern India.

• Successes of the Indian Industrialist:

o The development of jute industry in Bengal:

▪ jute as a cheap substitute for flax was developed in the early nineteenth century and Bengal remained the chief supplier of raw jute for the industries in Dundee. In 1855 the first jute mill was started in Bengal, and then closeness to sources of raw materials and cheap labour gave it a competitive edge over the Scottish industry.

▪ The World War One and the wartime demand hike gave the industry a real push. The amount of paid up capital in jute industry increased from 79.3 million in 1914-15 to 106.4 million in 1918-19, to 179.4 million in 1922-23. Bulk of the capital invested was British capital, organised through the Indian Jute Mills Association (IJMA), which controlled output in order to maintain high prices. The profitability of the industry continued until the Great Depression.

▪ However, this dominance of expatriate capital notwithstanding, from the 1920s some Calcutta-based Marwaris, who had made

money as traders and shroffs, began to intrude into this exclusive sphere and started investing in jute industry. First, through buying stocks and lending money, many of the Marwaris got themselves elected to the boards of the European managing agencies. And then, people like G.D. Birla and Swarupchand Hukumchand set up their own mills in 1922. This marked the beginning of Indian jute mills around Calcutta.

▪ This Marwari stranglehold was gradually extended to other sectors, like coal mines, sugar mills and paper industry. Between 1942 and 1945, they began to take over some of the European companies.

o The real success of the Indian industrialists, however, came in the cotton industry of western India.

▪ Until the beginning of World War One imported textiles dominated Indian markets. This import considerably declined during the war-more than halved between 1913-14 and 1917-18-

• partly because of the transport dislocations caused by the war and partly due to 7 .5 per cent import duty on cotton textiles imposed in 1917.

• There was the military demand and the call for 'Swadeshi', proposing a boycott of foreign goods and the use of their indigenous alternatives.

▪ Cotton industry existed in India before World War One, and along with the European managing agencies, certain traditional trading communities like the Gujarati banias, Parsis, Bohras and Bhatias, who made money through export trade with China, had maintained their presence in this sector.

▪ The industry remained dependent on foreign collaboration for imported machinery, chemicals and technological expertise.

o Iron and steel industry, under the leadership of Tata Iron and Steel Company (flSCO), began at the turn of the century under direct government patronage.

▪ Because, here the monopoly of the Birmingham steel industry had already been broken by continental steel, except in matters of government and railway orders.

• Though government policies and the stranglehold of British capital inhibited Indian enterprise in certain sectors, recent researches show that below the westernised enclave and above the subsistence economy of the peasants, there was an intermediate level— the bazaar— where Indian businessmen and bankers continued to operate. 

o Some of these indigenous firms took advantage of the new opportunities of the empire, such as the railways and telegraph, and ran sophisticated and fairly integrated business networks that covered the whole of the subcontinent. These firms later expanded overseas to China, Burma, Straits Settlement, Middle East and East Africa. It was these operations which generated indigenous capital, which was later invested in industries after World War One. India's underdevelopment was therefore not due to any lack of entrepreneurial skills.

The new attitude of caution and conservation can be detected in almost every sphere of British activity in India after revolt of 1857.

 Discuss the salient features of the Govt. of India Act, 1858 ?

The Revolt Of 1857 gave a severe jolt to the British administration in India and compelled it to reorganise its structure. This act is coterminous with Queen Victoria’s declaration, 1858. The British prime Minister, Palmerstone had introduced a Bill in 1858 in the parliament for the transfer of Government of India to The crown. However, before this bill was to be passed, Palmerstone was forced to resign on another issue. Later Lord Stanley introduced another bill which was originally titled as “An Act for the Better Government of India” and it was passed on August 2, 1858. This act provided that India was to be governed directly and in the name of the crown.

Following changes were made:

1. Transferred powers from the East India Company to the Crown. The Company’s territories in India were to be vested in the Queen. India was to be governed in the Queen’s name.

2. All the property of the East India Company was transferred to the Crown. The Crown also assumed the responsibilities of the Company as they related to treaties, contracts, and so forth

3. A member of British Parliament was made secretary of state of India to exercise powers on behalf of the Crown and was responsible to the British Parliament.

4. The Crown was empowered to appoint a Governor-General and the Governors of the Presidencies.

5. Provision for the creation of an Indian Civil Service under the control of the Secretary of State.

6. The Governor General for India was provided with an Executive Council, whose decision he was empowered to override.

The Act ushered in a new period of Indian history, bringing about the end of Company rule in India. The era of the new British Raj would last until Partition of India in August 1947, at which time all of the territory of the Raj was granted dominion status within the Dominion of Pakistan and the Union of India.

The British Indian state experienced the 'wind of the change with the arrival of Lord William Bentinck. 

William Cavendish Bentinck took charge of Indian administration in July, 1828. He followed the policy of non-interference into the affairs of Indian states very much against the wishes of the Court of Directors. In 1828, public expenditure far exceeded the revenue. He was undoubtedly the first Governor- General of British India who acted on the dictum that “the welfare of the subject peoples was a main, perhaps the primary, duty of the British in India.

The advent of Lord William Bentinck ushered in a new era in the annals of India in many ways. Although his tenure of office covered only a short span of seven years, it saw a period of enduring reforms. They may be classified as financial, administrative, social

and educational.

Administrative and Financial:

1. William Bentinck adopted a policy of non-intervention and non-aggression with Indian states. If at all he interfered in the affairs of the Indian states, it was only to end any form of misgovernment and never to annex any territory.

2. Bentinck appointed two committees, one military and other civil, to make recommendations for effecting economy in expenditure. 

3. He adopted better measures for the collection of land revenue in Bengal. He had also stimulated the economy by encouraging iron and coal production, tea and coffee plantations and irrigation schemes.

4. William Bentinck abolished the Provincial Courts of Appeal and Circuit, transferring their duties to magistrates  and collectors under the supervision of Commissioner of Revenue and Circuit. For the convenience of the public of Upper Provinces (present-day U .P.) and Delhi, a separate Sadr Nizamat Adalat and a Sadr Diwani Adalat were set up at Allahabad and the residents of these areas were no longer under the necessity of travelling a thousand miles to file their appeals at Calcutta.

5. Bentinck gave the suitors the option to use the Persian or vernaculars in filing their suits. In higher courts Persian was replaced by English as the court language. Qualified Indians were appointed in junior judicial capacities of Munsijfs and could restore the position of Sadr Amins. 

Social:

1. Bentinck tried to reform Hindu society by abolition of the cruel rite of sati and suppression of infanticide. Regulation No. XVII of December, 1829 declared the practice of sati or of burning or burying alive of widows illegal and punishable by the criminal courts as culpable homicide. The Regulation of 1829 was applicable in the first place to Bengal’ Presidency alone, but in 1830 was extended in different forms to Madras and Bombay Presidencies.

2. William Bentick’s attention was also drawn to the ritual of offering child sacrifices at special occasions in Saugar Island in Bengal. Bentick issued prompt orders to stop this evil practice.

3. Another great reform to the credit of Willaim Bentick is the suppression, of thugs. Section 87 of the Charter Act of 1833 provided that no Indian subject of the company were to be debarred from holding any office under the company by reason of his religion, place of birth, descent and colour’. It is believed that this charter clause was inserted at the instance of Bentick.

Educational:

1. Bentick believed the press to be a safety- value for discontent. Perhaps the most significant and of far-reaching consequences were Bentinck’s decisions about education in India. 

2. Macaulay had planned to produce a class of persons who would be “Indian in blood and color, but English in taste, in opinions, in morals and intellect” that Macaulay’s views were accepted and embodied in a Resolution of March 7, 1835, which decreed that English would be the official language of India in the higher branches of administration. Since then English language, literature, and natural science have formed the basis of higher education in India.

Conclusion:

His social reforms such as abolition of sati and prevention of child sacrifice eradicated age old evils from Hindu society. It is gratifying to note that “Bentinck acted where others had talked”. To enforce the regulations regarding the prohibition of sati, he was prepared to risk his own position. Such courage and straightforwardness were seldom found among the administrators of those days. His educational reforms heralded a new age in India.

1. The permanent system of Bengal though initiated with best of intentions was a sadly blundering affair.  (20 marks)

Lord Cornwallis engineered a Permanent Settlement in 1793 which fixed the revenue rate. Since 1770, European observers like Alexander Dow, Thomas Law were advocating that the land revenue be fixed permanently. A step ahead was taken by Pitt’s India Act wherein rules for permanent land revenue were laid down. In 1790, Cornwallis made provision for deccanial settlement which was made permanent in 1793. The revenue per year was approximately 3 million sterling. The Zamindars and local revenue farmers were converted into landlords and were given the task of securing the revenue from the farmers. Their right over land was made hereditary and transferrable. The farmers were reduced to mere tenants on the land and lost their right of ownership, on forest land, pastures, irrigation canals etc. The formula was that 10/11th revenue be given to the British and the rest be kept with them. Land became saleable and could be confiscated and mortgaged. The government wont interfere in internal issues as long as the zamindars paid revenue. John Shore estimated that if total revenue was 100, the Company took 45, Zamindars and intermediaries took 15 and the peasant was left only with 40

It  was introduced with the expectation that it would confer certain benefits on the Government in the following manner:

Creation of allies like Zamindars : Zamindars would owe their existence to the British and help them during revolt. This is seen from the absence of Zamindars from popular revolts in Bengal.

Creation of private property in land:  The idea was that no government could be assured of its revenue unless it was prepared to guarantee the rights of proprietorship/ private ownership of lands.

Security of Revenue: Right to property in land would ensure the regularity and permanence of revenue income by a settlement with zamindars.

Creation of ‘improving’ landlords: security of property rights would induce prosperous Indians to invest in land and they would be making fresh investments and initiating improvements in the rural areas

Agricultural development capital formation: The above three would facilitate agricultural development, leading to capital generation. Marshman has said that it was a wise and bold measure. Cultivation has been extended and improvement in agriculture can be seen.

Demerits / A blundering Affair

Ruination of the peasant class: The government remained unresponsive to the oppressive measures taken by the zamindars against the cultivators to collect revenues. The latter were at the mercy of the zamindars. The cultivators lost right over their land. In 1799, Zamindars were given right to take over properties of defaulting peasants and evict them without an order from courts . TR Holmes has called this a great blunder because tenants did not benefit, zamindars defaulted on payments and their lands were sold for benefit of British government. There was agricultural depression in 1790s which reduced the rents from farmers leading to defaults.

Minacious sunset law: Many zamindars fell victim to the unpopular sunset law which accounted for withdrawal of private property right upon not paying the sky-high land revenue. This led to the creation of a new ‘landlordism’ which included merchants, revenue officers, money lenders, who had no interest in the development of land and public welfare.

Inability to enhance land revenue: Even with the rise in price of grains and produce of the soil, the government could not enhance the land revenue complying with the fixation of the revenue amount.

Failure to produce ‘improving landlords’: There was no perceived improvement in agriculture as absentee landlordism increased and Zamindars spent money on luxuries.

Proliferation of subinfeudation or absentee landlordism: Typically, the zamindar used to delegate the task of collecting the rent to a middleman on condition of a part of the collection as his commission, leading to further exploitation of the cultivators. This also kept the idea of private ownership in vague. Subinfeudation took place under Patni tenures wherein multiple intermediaries were added leading to increase of burden on peasants. Burdwan zamindars did that.

According to Rajat and Ratnalekha Ray, the Zamindar was nothing but a feudatory of the British who collected revenue. Actual power passed on to the rich peasants or Jotedars who controlled land holding in the village and severely resisted the efforts of Zamindars to discipline them. Dinajpur region study of Francis Buchanan.

Contrary to the official expectations, the growing disillusionment with the functioning of the Permanent Settlement proves it nothing but a blunder. Under the Permanent settlement system company was a financial loser in long run as the revenue to be paid remained fixed but expenses of company rose exponentially due to engagement in continuous state of war.